Nov. 7, 2002 โ The special legislative session to address tort-reform issues should have ended weeks ago. Itโs been expensive, ineffectual and has only added to a confusing debate that has lumped corporate responsibility and medical malpractice into the same discussion. And as The Clarion-Ledger reported Sept. 1, the โspecial sessionโ status may take tort reform a step closer to being unconstitutional, because the Mississippi constitution forbids special laws that protect individual entities if that law could be handled in a more general fashion. Abridging trial-by-jury rights is also a constitutional no-no.
While The Clarion-Ledger has followed this debate closely (albeit with a shaky pro-โreformโ point of view), a recent editorial oversimplifies the issue by calling for the Legislature to โsettle the issue of civil justice reformโ simply because the session was called and money spent. Thereโs so much punting going on in this debate that itโs turning into a Super Bowl of touchbacks.
Yes, there are huge money interests on both sides of this issue, but donโt just divide them into โbusinessโ (with the unwritten implication being much-needed jobs) and โtrial lawyers.โ The fact is, the push for tort reform comes from large corporate interests and organizations that arenโt planning any new plants in Mississippiโin the case of medical malpractice, those interests include insurance companies and pharmaceutical companies that have lost a great deal of money since the bubble burst on Wall Street. Meanwhile, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce has spent thousands in Mississippi running party-line pro-big-business ads supporting pro-big-business judges for the Supreme Court and other offices.
And thereโs another constituency that gets lost behind the โtrial attorneyโ monikerโtheyโre called people. In medical malpractice and product-liability cases, the attorneys are representing people who have been wronged.
Other states that have enacted non-economic caps have shown that the real losers are the people who can least afford to lose, perpetuating the notion that American justice is only for those who can afford it. Limiting non-economic damages is a regressive approach, because it assumes the bulk of a personโs societal value is in their paycheck. Whether youโre a stay-at-home parent or a minimum-wage earner, tort reform says your pain and suffering due to negligence is worth less than that of, say, a business executive, insurance adjuster or politician.
Thatโs what weโve already got in the medical malpractice bill, and its only saving grace is that the non-economic cap ($500,000) could have been lower (many pushed for $250,000). In product-liability cases, however, a non-economic cap for big business simply creates a line-item incentive for businesses by fixing the cost of ruining peopleโs lives.
Non-economic caps have the additional consequence of making it more difficult to get an attorney. With the medical cap, suing for malpractice by an under- or unemployed Mississippian becomes a daunting decision for many lawyers and their clients, because the potential reward may not pay for the work involved in taking on cadres of corporate attorneys. Yes, thereโs greed in trial lawyeringโitโs a profit-motivated business just like insurance, manufacturing and for-profit hospitals. But donโt doubt itโinsurance companies and hospitals have won themselves a barrier to entry for working folks who need access to justice.
Was reform even necessary? On some level, yesโand the legislation deals with venue shopping and jury-pool composition issues. But it doesnโt address frivolous lawsuits directly (with, for instance, filing fees or fines), instead opting for the more odious non-economic damage cap. The legislation also was not accompanied by tit-for-tat regulation of insurance companies, forcing them to lower their rates and cover more Mississippians. It should have been.
Having seen the medical malpractice bill, the Jackson Free Press recommends more prudence for the current โbusiness protectionโ legislation. Yes, it was probably a mistake (born apparently of the Democratsโ desire to control this debate) to spend over $1 million on a special session. But that doesnโt mean we should compound the mistake by pushing through just any olโ civil tort-reform billโparticularly if we ultimately waste that million bucks on a bill that will simply be struck down as unconstitutional.
Frankly, weโd prefer to see the Legislature โburn a timeoutโ here and come back in 2003 when itโs ready to view civil reform in the context of balancing businessโ need for predictability with the value of individual life and well-being. Wrap it all up in a constitutional package, toss in some special protections for small business and funding for regulation of problematic industries. Then weโd be onto something truly special.
Previous Comments
I don’t know who you are or where you came from, but you’re right! Thanks for telling Mississippians the truth.
#68323 | Author: Jim Kitchens | Date: Nov 8 2002
Haven’t emailed you since reading the wonderful story about your mother but had to say thank you for your continued comments on issues that affect us, the unprivileged and under-represented masses. What has and is happening in the legislature and is fixing to happen in Congress on tort reform is devastating. Thanks again.
#68324 | Author: Fenton DeWeese | Date: Nov 8 2002
It’s refreshing to read the truth for a change. Thank you immensely.
#68325 | Author: Brian Herrington | Date: Nov 8 2002
Wow! An intelligent analysis of the tort reform issue in the media! Certainly, there is always room for improvement, but present tort reform proposals throw the baby out with the bath water. The proposals amount to no more than a wrong-doers relief act. The innocent person, injured by a wrong doer, suffers, and the one who was at fault gets relief. Penalize frivolous cases; but protect those who have been injured through no fault of their own.
#68326 | Author: James Bell | Date: Nov 9 2002



